Bangladesh And The Army
As Bangladesh lurched from crisis to anarchy during the final days of 2006, one held one’s breath. With the two major political parties locked in a no-holds barred “winner-take-all” confrontation, the population was wary of the Army’s moving into the vacuum, its involvement in governance being always a catch-22 solution. A tiger (given that the East Bengal Regiment are known as “Tigers” that is no pun) does not become a man-eater unless it has tasted human blood. As everyone and his uncle knows, it is always very difficult for the Army to disengage once it gets involved in running the affairs of the country. Even with the sincerest of intentions, the trappings of power is a heady aphrosydiac, personal ambition can find any number of reasons for remaining in power!
In the first world armies tend to stay within the Constitution, third world armies tend to think of themselves as a law unto themselves. Most officers of the third world are convinced that they are “the DS (Directing Staff) Solution” to all the country’s problems. That is a laugh! I stood FIRST (out of the nearly 3000 who appeared) in the Pakistan Army’s “Captain to Major” Promotion Examination in 1973, in both Theory and Practical. When I left the Army in 1974 and was confronted with an L/C (Letter of Credit), I thought “ELSIE” was a girl. No army has any business getting involved in the governance of any country, engaging only for the shortest possible time in an absolute crisis, sometimes are forced into this situation by circumstances beyond their control. With the situation spinning out of control into anarchy, and the health and hearth of the citizen threatened, does one stand by and see the country go down the drain?
Bangladesh has had two tenures of martial law, in both officers from the unit (2 E Bengal) that my father raised in 1949 as a Major, and I was myself commissioned into in 1965, headed the Army. Zia served as a Company Commander in 2EB and was Officiating CO (Commanding Officer) for 6 months before moving to 8EB, Lt Gen Ershad and Maj Gen Nurul Islam (nickname Shishu) were commissioned (1953 and 1962) into 2EB, as was (in 1975) the present COAS, Bangladesh Army, Lt Gen Moeen Ahmad. Those who have served in the Army, specially in the fighting arms, will understand why the 2EB connection seems to give me insider’s knowledge.
Lt Gen Ziaur Rahman was thrust into, a situation almost similar to that of Pervez Musharraf, moving from a Quarter Guard cell (Musharraf was confined in the air) in which he was put in by coup leaders, to running the country after a counter-coup. Zia’s entire ML HQ had only 5 officers, including one civil servant. Neither Zia as Chief Martial Law Administrator (CMLA) nor Shishu as his Principal Staff Officer (PSO), took any personal favours in cash or in kind, at times people did take financial advantage out of their friendship. Zia was a strong charismatic leader with conviction, Shishu was the brains who ran the country on a day-to-day basis, and the country was run very well! Lt Gen Ershad was Deputy COAS to Zia, becoming COAS himself when Zia was elected President by countrywide elections on the basis of adult franchise. Corruption re-appeared in strength once the political process got going in 1979. When Zia was assassinated in 1981, Ershad bided his time till things in the country was in political and economic shambles, taking over as CMLA (and President) in March 1982. Personally I am very fond of Ershad (to me he is “Uncle”, I was 6 years old when he joined 2EB), unfortunately he ran a Martial Law that was not as honest as Zia’s, it brought a bad name to the vast mass of the Army that was honest and sincere. A generous and gregarious human being, Ershad’s leadership and organizational qualities were out of the ordinary.
However, in the context of a nation his glaring weaknesses (which he seems to accept happily) cannot be ignored. This was a real tragedy, this was a man who could have really have done far more for Bangladesh.
Both Zia and Ershad stabilized and built the country’s economy, particularly Ershad in opening up the industrial potential. The ultimate tragedy is that while Zia was personally himself one of the most honest of men, his son Tariq Rahman’s corruption is rumoured to have had no bounds. The Caretaker Regime will have to tread very carefully, Khaleda Zia remains a popular figure, like her chief antagonist Ms Hasina Wajed, both have a fair share of corrupt near and dear ones around them. In such a situation what is the Army to do? Let a corrupt “democracy” loot the nation and its people? Go through the streets of Dhaka today, where there was violent confrontation only weeks ago, there is a vast sense of relief. Where there was resigned apathy at the prevailing corruption, there is hope!
Under no circumstances can corruption be condoned! When a particular minister (who had been in the Army) kept on loudly boasting (in 1980) of his honesty, I told him what the entire country was calling him, “Chor Mantri” (thief minister), he promptly ran off and complained to Zia. When I asked Zia how, as one of the most honest of men, he could tolerate such corruption, I was shocked by his answer, “one has to be tolerant in politics, he is just building up party funds!” Similarly when Ershad was CMLA, a big Business Group was caught looting the bank they themselves co-owned by giving one hundred persons (of unknown antecedent) Taka 1 crore cash each (which they pocketed themselves), Ershad accepted (for a “consideration”) their ingenious plea, that if they went to jail 20000 or so workers would be out of work (as if they cared!). One of the Group is now in jail now, let’s see what the present government does?
The rule of thumb for those who loot the nation is simple, the bigger they are the harder they must fall! And the Army can accomplish this by strictly adhering to the rule of law, i.e. supporting the civilian courts in functioning effectively, acting as a Sword of Damocles to ensure that if the judges are not honest, they must face justice themselves. The Army must run those who run the government, i.e. till a honest system of governance can be sustained in place. The moment an Army gets itself involved in the governance process by slotting officers into posts which are essentially civilian in nature, the Army (and the nation) are in trouble!
Will the Bangladesh Army take “the lessons learnt” to heart?
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