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SAARC degenerates into hypocrisy

The Third World (an euphemism created by THE ECONOMIST) came about essentially by the disintegration of colonial rule, as the shackles of imperialism were cast aside, new nations emerged on the world scene. Individual freedoms did not bring economic freedom to these under-developed nations and even the former masters (with all their existing industrialisation) were forced into regrouping along economic lines on regional basis with a more or less common ideology thrown in as a qualifying factor. If the non-communist nations of Europe came together as the European Common Market (ECM), the communists led by the USSR formed the COMECON. This was followed by the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) comprising Singapore, Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia and Philippines besides other informal regional groupings.

Nations of the South Asian sub-continent had problems other than the perennial economic ones right from the outset of their independence. India perceived itself a Regional Superpower from its birth. In the early days after independence from British rule, India consolidated its rule by using unabashed military force in Kashmir and Hyderabad, it was only the mistake in taking on China in 1962 and the severe drubbing they received that took their attention away from Pakistan for almost a decade. India is now again feeling its oats, the need to flex its muscles as a regional power.

Pakistan first saw the occupation of Kashmir, in 1971 the truncation of the finest experiment in nationhood of its time into two distinct halves. Since 1983 we have been getting attention again, in Sindh and in the area of Siachen Glacier. While the creation of Bangladesh was mainly due to our own short-sighted policies, the love and affection presently is much more than was manifest when we were together, the closeness makes it almost a de facto confederation, this natural state is better than any negotiated document or artificial arrangement.

In the late 70s, the Indians turned most of their attention to Sri Lanka, taking advantage of the festering problem that came about because of Tamil frustrations. Sri Lankans were essentially a peaceful people, in all probability, given time and goodwill, the problems between the races would have been peaceably settled. This was not to the taste of the Indians who because of their (1) own Tamil problems in the South and (2) hegemonistic ambitions deliberately became involved in the process. Thus the various recalcitrant factions, chief among them being Prabhakaran’s Liberation Tigers of Tamil Ealam (LTTE), were trained, armed and operationally/administratively supported by the Research and Analytical Wing (RAW), the Indian intelligence unit concerned with external adventures. In 1987 the Tamil guerilla factions found themselves corralled off by the Sri Lankan Army and Navy, almost close to extinction. To rescue their proteges, the Indians brow-beated President Jayawardene of Sri Lanka into an unreal Accord that saw the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) enter Sri Lanka to oversee an enforced peace in the Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka. Very soon the IPKF became the IPSF (or the Indian “Peace Seeking” Force) as the LTTE turned bloodily on their former mentors, fighting the 100,000 Indian contingent to a virtual standstill. The Sri Lankan Government and LTTE eventually turned to in-depth negotiations and mutually decided that the Indians had to go. Since one of the clauses of the Accord stated that the IPKF would leave when asked to by the Sri Lanka President, Premadasa’s request to the Indians to leave by July 29 and the Indian downright refusal has removed the camouflage from the invasion in the first place, the Indians are now basically an occupation force.

The only Hindu Kingdom in the world is Nepal, living a tenuous life as one of India’s northern neighbours. Being geographically landlocked, Nepal has depended upon Indian goods and ports for its economic lifeline. As soon Nepal showed some independence from being a subservient annexe of India, particularly in dealing with China, the Indians imposed an economic blockade throwing the Kingdom into turmoil as the people started to face the resultant acute hardship. Despite international pressure, there are no signs of the blockade easing up or its effects on the poor people of Nepal lessening, it will probably be starved into submission.

Since the assassination of Sheikh Mujib, Indian relations with Bangladesh have gone on a roller coaster-ride on a downhill slope along with their influence, not eased any by their open interference in the internal affairs of Bangladesh, cross-border support by India for the operations of dissident tribals in the Chittagong Hill Tracts and calls for support of an Hindu enclave carved out of South-Eastern Bangladesh. As far as flood and drought are concerned, more than the well-known Farakka Barrage at least six catchment dams higher up in the mountains have brought untold misery, no mercy being shown for the helpless people in the Bangladeshi delta lands. Bangladesh has increased its Army to six infantry divisions in contrast to the maximum Pakistani wartime strength of 3-1/2 infantry divisions in 1971, giving evidence to the fact that the Bangladeshis believe that a strong Defence Services is the only sure deterrent against Indian adventure.

Maldives was symbolic of the Free Style wrestling we see on TV. Looking back on it, it seems it was meant to (1) demonstrate the rapid deployment capabilities of the Indian Armed Forces (2) raise their morale particularly after the severe mauling that the IPKF was taking at the hands of the Tamil Tigers in Sri Lanka and by the Pakistan Army in the area of the Siachen Glacier and (3) Occupation Force or Praetorian Guard, the fact remains that the rescue mission was a stage-managed fraud meant to extend Indian rule deep into the Indian Ocean. One doesn’t see President Gayoom speaking up in freedom with an Indian gun at his back, the “untold story” has yet to come.

As far as Bhutan is concerned, they may have been bullied into silence but one should read between the lines of the speeches of King Wang-Chuk. If ever daggers could be thrown by one’s eyes, Wang-Chuk could be indicted for murder, such is the attitude of the mountain lord towards the Indian tutelage.

The South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) was founded on a concept floated by the late assassinated President of Bangladesh, Gen Ziaur Rahman. It evolved on the dreams and aspirations of the people of this region to achieve economic bliss based on mutual compatibility. It was understood that this was not redeemable without the forsaking of conflict, latent and blatant hostility giving way to inter-dependant commerce, a sure recipe through the ages for enduring friendship between diverse peoples. The idea for commercial inter-action was fabulous, the common forum would provide for discussions precluding hostility, the resultant amity meant to foster understanding that would enhance the solvability of the peculiar problems besetting the region. That the initiative was taken by Bangladesh and not the main protagonists in the region, India and Pakistan, was crucial to grudging acceptability by India which approached the issue with initial skepticism, deeply suspicious that the smaller nations on its periphery were forming a “club” or a “union” that would militate against its own perceived vital interests. India shunned any bilateral subjects to be discussed in this forum, with this proviso SAARC became dead in the water before it ever became alive, there being no debate possible on India’s known predatory inclinations. A state of give-and-take was to become a part of the ambience of inter-relationship within SAARC for airing common grievances, lending itself to lessening of tensions between India and the other countries individually. While bilateralism was not a part of the initially declared arrangement, it was the eventual common desire of all the smaller states.

In such circumstances, the fact that SAARC kept on going is by itself surprising. The SAARC Secretariat in Kathmandu has worked overtime and the member countries have regularly held diverse meetings on various subjects which have been useful and even effective. Given goodwill, problems common to the countries of the region can be sorted out. However, economic relationship cannot remain divorced from political dialogue and whatever one may say these are the two paramount factors for any progress to lasting affinity. Though economic inter-action has commenced in fits and starts, the capacity of the great Indian industrial workhorse has not been used in the way it can be for the benefit of the whole of South Asia. On the other hand, countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka have good commercial inter-relationship. This omission is tragic because India’s economic strength would be useful to all the countries of the region because of the saving on freight alone and the added benefit would be the tremendous increase in communications due to enhanced usage of regional road, rail and air facilities. The goods and commodities are very complementary in the region and can result in a tremendous saving in foreign exchange. Contiguous areas of the Pakistan and Indian Punjabs used to be the granary of India in the past, it can still become the breadbasket for much if not all the population of South Asia.

Pakistan is placed in a quandary with respect to SAARC. On the one hand is its earnest desire to bury the hatchet with India, on the other hand is the growing litany of India adventures in the region with hi-tech and numerical enhancement of the capabilities of its Armed Forces. Munich symbolizes the dangers of appeasement. While we must have peace with India, can we turn our back for our own narrow self-interests on our friends in this region? And how long before India finally decides on a “Final Solution” for Pakistan, the only recalcitrant left, so to speak? We were not over the shock of seeing Russian nuclear submarines in Indian hands before we found ourselves worrying about the “Agni” missile. Military muscle has a purpose, ours is developed on a pro-rata basis to keep the peace with India, what is India’s? The PM’s father, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, essentially laid the groundwork for SAARC in the Simla Agreement, the primary factor remains good faith on the part of India. Master diplomat Bhutto could have pulled the concept of SAARC off, his daughter faces changed circumstances and a resurgent India believing that its aircraft carriers, nuclear submarines, modern aircraft, missiles and tanks are the final arbiters of the destiny of this region. One advantage that Ms Benazir has is that essentially after 1971 her father had to fight for time to make the Pakistan Armed Forces resurgent, thanks to massive re-armament/re-equipping, they are now ready as never before. Ms Benazir has thus two great advantages (1) a highly motivated Defence Services to back her and (2) tremendous international credibility. One has to measure her potential objectively on a national basis, she happens to be a great political asset in these trying times, one which must not be squandered on petty matters, by either her friends or her domestic foes. Political maturity demands that where we become critics of her failures we must be generous with our praise for her successes. The power of suggestion is always more acceptable when used in a positive manner.

The Pakistan Army remains the most potent obstacle to unbridled Indian ambitions. Shedding itself of its less than favourable image over the past year, the leadership of the Army, symbolized by the actions of Gen Mirza Aslam Beg in taking the correct turn towards democracy and professionalism, has come good. As events in the sub-continent have shown India has scant regard for international norms and agreements, it does what it pleases, except when it runs up against professionalism and capability of the Pakistan Army. The Armed Forces of Pakistan remain the surest deterrent against Indian hegemony. Given another year or so (if not already), one daresays that the Bangladeshi and Sri Lankan Armies (already two divisions and increasing by the day) will come of age. But is it really necessary to spend so much on the weapons of destruction rather than the tools of development, in the face of mass poverty, hunger and disease?

In such circumstances, SAARC’s dream has turned into nightmare. Very rightly Sri Lanka refused to attend the Foreign Ministers meet in Islamabad, how could any self-respecting nation afford to do so? However bad we may feel at the loss of hosting the conference, one has to bow to greater demands, the right of every nation in this region to be free from tutelage, particularly Indian dominance. Media-genic meetings, luncheons and dinners with honey and sweet talk have no meaning, in the end sovereignty is all that counts. The key lies with India as it always will. Given Rajiv Gandhi’s initial track record and softly spoken words his present actions are surprising, maybe he has become a prisoner of the Indian dream (and the South Asian nightmare). Maybe also it is time to rescue him from the clutches of the clique within the Indian hierarchy that wants Akhand Bharat at any price. By now Rajiv should be his own man and not be led down that garden path which can only bring destruction and misery to South Asia. The power to resist temptations are the hallmark of great men through history, the positive inclination to stay with principles in the face of naked ambition.

SAARC has degenerated into hypocrisy, it is no surprise to anybody as it was always on the cards in the face of Indian obduracy. The PM has the capacity to revive the concept if she can get “the message” through to Rajiv, success would be a tremendous feather in her cap. The need for economic emancipation of the masses of this region enjoins on the PM that Pakistan’s effort must be to save SAARC “The Dream” from becoming a nightmare. While the PM keeps trying to mediate in her capacity as Chairwoman of SAARC, it behoves the Pakistan Army to keep its powder dry.

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