Heeding Lessons Learnt
During the years Mian Nawaz Sharif was out of office, one got the distinct impression that he was willingly embarked on a “learning curve”, that in keeping with the fundamental principles of leadership he was taking into account his own mis-steps and failures in order to benefit and not make the same mistakes again. Out in the cold from government he was an interested observer to the full range and complement of Benazir’s misdoings from which to draw lessons from for a possible future tenure of government. For any student of politics, which one should always be before becoming a full-time practitioner, the last decade provided a virtual plethora of instances of bad governance, none so potent as the misrule of the last 3 years. Has Mian Nawaz Sharif really learnt from the mistakes made or is he caught up in the strait-jacket that usually cocoons our leaders in an aura of self-delusion and despite their obvious leadership qualities, drags them into failure at governance, unfortunately at the cost of the country? Field Marshal Slim of Burma’s “Defeat into Victory” is an epic saga of the lessons he drew from his mistakes that led to his drubbing by the Japanese, the analysis of which took his 14th Army to eventual total victory. However, it is his “Unofficial History” that is recommended for every subaltern in the Army to read as an example of learning from one’s own mistakes and the reinforcing of success rather than failure, maybe it should be also made mandatory for our top political leaders before they don the mantle of high office.
Asif Zardari would have been an asset to the former PM if he had done what he did from the shadows. However, along with looting the country blind his ego not only wanted to occupy centre stage but to eventually replace her, a civilian “coup” was possible with his loyal cronies occupying every conceivable sensitive post and answerable to him rather than to her. By the time of Murtaza’s murder Benazir had descending to becoming a puppet on a string, a stubborn, arrogant and opinionated one at that, Farooq Leghari saved her from that fate by dismissing her as PM and Zardari as the unofficial super PM. Mian Nawaz Sharif’s spouse stays far away from government, and kudos to her for that, his “inner circle” is all pervasive. They are certainly not criminal-minded as some of Zardari’s associates were but they are extremely jealous of the prerogatives that go with the close friendship of the PM and do not allow anyone, including senior cabinet members, who can give advice contrary to that which they render, near him. While Zardari was crude in contrast to their relative sophistication, this “inner circle” have successfully kept a popular PM in splendid isolation from the “great silent majority” of his supporters. From time to time they send him to Kurri or Badin so that he keeps believing in his potency as a populist. If Mian Sahib thinks he can rule the country only on the advice of his “inner circle”, it will not be long before he is out in the cold again, mandate of the people notwithstanding. And if the “inner circle” feel averse to sharing the reflected glory they presently bask in, dark clouds will soon hide their day. This country did not vote to put Mian Sahib’s “inner circle” into power, they voted for Mian Sahib and public perception does not take kindly to being short-changed.
Whoever gave Mian Nawaz Sharif advice to take on the superior judiciary should have his head examined. One of the major reasons for Benazir’s downfall can be evaluated from the near unanimous judgement of the Supreme Court upholding the President’s decision to sack her. In the legal sense it was a criminal indictment and in any other civilized country she would not only have been debarred from public office but sent to jail. The Supreme Court represents the basis of civilized society as the ultimate arbiter of its code of ethics. The learned justices on the superior bench very clearly expressed their intention on March 20, 1996 to stop the then Ms Benazir government (or any other future government) from attempting to erode the authority of one of the pillars of the state. By year’s end, Ms Benazir was out on her face. So why confront the superior judiciary when one can act in a positive fashion on their quiet counsel? It may “pay to be bold” but “it is foolish to be rash”. The April 18, 1993 confrontation with the then President was quite unnecessary, by allowing rumours and innuendoes to influence decision-making within 3 months both were out of power and an election was contrived for Ms Benazir to win. In a recent CNN interview former Caretaker PM Moeen Qureshi shed crocodile tears for Mohajirs, why did he not delay the National Assembly (NA) elections in the constituencies MQM had boycotted because of what was perceived by them to be official coercion and interference? That lack of “swing vote” propelled Benazir into 3 years of Asif Zardari misrule and Pakistan almost into economic apocalypse. Mian Nawaz Sharif cannot absolve himself of the responsibility for those dark years, if he had been more circumspect he would have come out the winner and Pakistan would have been far more advanced on the road to economic salvation, instead we were thrust almost into oblivion as a country. If it had been for Farooq Leghari it was curtains for us as a country.
The anti-terrorist law was very much needed, how come it has become a “black law” as perceived by the intelligentsia and the public? The reason is that the citizens were not properly prepared, while they understand its necessity, they have focussed only on the implications of Pakistan becoming a “police state”. It should never have been rushed through when articles of the Constitution provide emergency measures for a possible breakdown of law and order. The failure of the law enforcing agencies (LEAs) and the intelligence agencies has led to this state of affairs, Mian Nawaz Sharif has no need to wear his courage on his political sleeves and/or “take counsel of his fears” in assuming the courts will not function to bring terrorists to book. By giving draconian powers to his LEAs, the PM is only reinforcing their failure and giving them the tools for his own eventual destruction, very much like Ms Benazir did. By listening to his intelligence agencies blindly without benefit of verifying their accuracy of their summations, Mian Sahib has set an unnecessary trap for himself, a Catch-22 where he will end up a “prisoner” of their dire counsel instead of being their masters as a democratically elected head of government. Operation “Clean-Up” is a fine example of intelligence summation and analysis gone astray in field application. Though well informed about contrary elements, the initial success of the LEAs was marred by the excesses of Field Intelligence Teams (FITs) that went berserk and alienated a very loyal and significant segment of the population. Similarly while Gen Babar had operational success, the excesses of the LEAs wiped out the gains. Have we exhausted other routes available to us in the democratic process? The basic requirement for democratic polity is local body rule, can we not fill the leadership vacuum at the grassroots level by leaders elected by the populace instead of appointing functionaries of the State without any motivational interest in local affairs on a relative basis?
Nepotism and Corruption is alive and well in Mian Sahib’s rule. Corruption may not emanate anymore from the PM’s house, nepotism is certainly not far away, though far lesser than that practiced during his predecessor’s rule. Opposing Ghous Ali Shah for any public office because of his atrocious reputation, we thought that Liaquat Jatoi would be far better as Chief Minister (CM) in Sindh. By inducting almost the same team of senior bureaucrats that tarnished an earlier PML rule, some of them arrogant as well as thoroughly corrupt, Jatoi seems to have adopted “business as usual” as a current philosophy. Some multi-million dollar projects are being rushed through, the involvement of senior functionaries in PML’s weak underbelly Sindh is well-known. Punjab and NWFP are far better shape in maintaining their reputation for honesty.
Mian Nawaz Sharif’s appointees in government and corporations have successfully done what Asif Zardari failed to do, throw out or sideline Mian Sahib’s supporters. You may take PIA, State Life Corporation, etc and you will find that those who rooted with all their heart for Ms Benazir to go and Mian Nawaz Sharif to come back to power, are now cursing that day. Does the PM in the cocoon of his “inner circle” hear the voices of these “little people”? While all realise the country is far better off with Ms Benazir out in the cold, individually they are now suffering at the hands of those Mian Sahib takes to be supporters but who are at best “fair weather” bureaucrats and technocrats who always line up with the winner. The upper middle class form the backbone of PML support, if they are alienated from Mian Sahib, God help us at the alternatives, they are too horrible to even contemplate. Here is one area PML must learn from PPP, how to keep the loyalties of its supporters by keeping in touch with them constantly, i.e if not making sure that economic largesse is constantly going their way.
It is important for Pakistan that a leader like Mian Nawaz Sharif must succeed. He is sincere and he is a patriot, his economic priorities are excellent and about his intention one can have no doubt. Then why is it that in public perception he has boxed himself into a small corner of his “inner circle’s” choosing? Mian Sahib, do not be like wind which cannot read, winds have a bad tendency of becoming a storm.
The choice before Mian Nawaz Sharif is very clear, grow out of Model Town, Lahore or go home to Model Town, Lahore.
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