Can democracy survive?
Politics and economics are irreversibly intertwined, one has no substance without the other. Given the track record of IJI in economic affairs, the Nawaz Sharif Government should be politically stable, yet it is in the area of their greatest expertise that the government is mired in trouble. The reasons can be traced back to the first years of the last martial law when a new breed of white collar criminals discovered an extremely sophisticated of making easy money from the gullible masses by establishing illegal investment companies, giving out large sums as “profit”. We are now in the third scam period of the illegal finance companies in the last decade or so, this has the potential of destabilizing this democratic government. For any country, the collapse of an elected administration is always a tragedy.
Following the controversial removal of Ms Benazir in August 1988, we expected that the purported raison d’etre for her downfall, corruption, would be exposed as promised. In the circumstances, her legal defence team has organised an effective filibuster to the Presidential References, delaying judicial conclusion to the allegations levied against her. The cooperative finance companies scandal has thus been gleefully seized by the Opposition as an effective counter-offensive mechanism and Ms Benazir has last week been on a turkey shoot of the IJI’s Government credibility through Nawaz Sharif’s political backyard, the Punjab. While this does not necessarily countenance alleged misdemeanours, it serves to put the whole democratic process into disrepute. Luminaries of the Opposition have also been “mentioned in despatches”. This may be a case of individual greed of the unscrupulous, taking advantage of the trappings of power or there was collaboration by those in power in the misdemeanour, the former is probably closer to the truth than the latter but there is a fundamental erosion to the credibility of the political hierarchy. There is need for immediate damage control, if there is a cancer in the body politic then it must be removed before it spreads uncontrollably.
From 1985 onwards, democracy of sorts has existed in Pakistan, the institution gaining momentum by the day despite major hiccups along the route, Ms Benazir’s ascent to power being greeted by the mass of people as an authentication of the democratic process. For many reasons, some of her own making, most made by her political aides and friendly opportunists who rode into power with her, her government reverted to “business” as usual. Agog with anticipation of change from usual corrupt practices, this came as a profound shock to the intelligentsia and the masses, thereby releasing a backlash. True or otherwise, her husband became the focal point of white collar financial manipulations for individual profit, the mixture of facts and fiction was blown out of proportion. While matters are subjudice and one should not comment on the judicial process for fear of slanting the judgment, Asif Zardari did not, at the very least, exercise good judgement or discretion that should have been required from the husband of the Prime Minister. Politically, the rank and file of PPP have answered grievously for it. One would hope that at the very least this should be a chastening experience for future conduct.
The “Asif Zardari model” should have fallen under the heading of “Lessons Learnt”. Rumours, probably unfair, now swirl in earnest around Shahbaz Sharif who cannot get rid of the “talented” brother image despite the fact that he has an individual political mandate of his own. Nawaz Sharif comes across as the human face of the Sharif Brothers, whether through deliberate design or a simple fact of life, Shahbaz Sharif is perceived as the “iron fist”. In this country, people home onto any association that seems to take advantage of their position by dint of relationships. If anything, Gohar Ayub Khan, the present Speaker of the National Assembly, was once considered to be the prime reason for the ultimate downfall of his father, Field Marshal Ayub Khan. A vicious plethora of rumours, more fiction than fact, sullied the name of an extremely benevolent dictator, the supposed sins of the son being unfortunately visited on an illustrious father. Between 1968 and 1988, there were rumours galore about people in power and their scions/friends but no political reaction was possible because of authoritarian rule. Allegations remained subdued, some by the use of coercion, some simply because they could not be substantiated.
As the process of democracy set in and media cynosure became more commonplace, misdemeanours have become more difficult to hide. Freshly educated in the freedom of speech, mass protests tend to become more vocal, even strident. Taking the initiative after months in the political doldrums, Ms Benazir is now on the offensive and in her elements. Last week she had taken the Punjab by storm and for a time the non-plussed Government had few answers. As is usual with PPP when they are on a roll, a fatal mistake has been made by not maintaining the momentum. Ms Benazir has confounded all and sundry by taking off for France, albeit because of a previous engagement. The Federal and Punjab Governments have used this respite by forcing the cooperative finance companies to return deposits to customers, at least partially.
Because of Ms Benazir’s “time-out”, this potential political time-bomb may end up being a storm in a teacup but this is the third occasion that the Punjab Government has been shaken in the last quarter, the first two being (1) the MPA – Traffic cop tangle followed by (2) the Islampura murders. If a government is so susceptible that it tends to topple at every hiccup, then those who want to bring it down will only escalate their efforts. In the case of Punjab, Nawaz Sharif has made the same mistake that was made by Ms Benazir with respect to Sindh when she was in power. Ghulam Haider Wyne may be a good man and a respectable politician, he does not exude the confidence of being his own master. The perception arises of that of a front man, having virtually no independence. While maintaining control over the vital political ground, surely among the many associates of the PM there must be others blessed with the twin qualities of loyalties and capability. If nothing else (and Shahbaz Sharif being capable), why not instal him as the CM and be done with the charade? At least he has a reputation of getting things done.
Sindh remains the Federal Government’s soft underbelly. Without any doubt the Jam Government has, in close association with MQM, established firm control over the crime situation in the urban areas of Sindh, particularly in Karachi. A great number of kidnappers and dacoit gangs have been busted in Karachi, the crime graph in this respect has fallen sharply but this has been possible at a cost, viz (1) the rural area is under a state of siege from dacoit gangs and (2) elements of the law enforcing agencies are tending to go out from the control for their own individual gain. Both are not surprising, there being historical precedents in many countries, but these are fatal for democracy. This becomes a Catch-22 situation, matters worsening in one area while getting better in another, all the time the constant erosion of the principles that we uphold goes on till we end up destroying the institution of democracy we are pledged to secure.
The present political infighting has seen the institution of the Presidency being increasingly besmirched. Both the major parties willingly collaborated in the choosing of the present Head of State for a five year term, we should preclude bringing the President’s person and office into disrepute. Charges by PPP that the President has been partisan may have some truth, controversy about the President’s august office brings into ridicule the whole country, opening up an institutional Pandora’s Box. A non-executive President, elected by the exercise of free vote, he acts as a final arbiter and is representative of the Federation’s unity. Making him into a party calls for interference by third forces, such interdiction may be entirely unpalatable for democracy in the long run. It is the democratic right of the PPP to strive for power, it is also the democratic right of the IJI to strive to stay in power. All this is very well while the political equivalent of the Marquess of Queensbury rules are adhered to. When the bitterness and vituperation spills over into a no-holds barred situation, matters tend to become murky.
There are two major political groups, the PDA (headed by the PPP) and the IJI led by the PML. If both are discredited and so is the President then we might as well resign ourselves to an unthinkable third alternative, whatever may be the reservations of the personalities concerned and whatever they may profess about their commitment to democracy. Such an eventuality would not be to the benefit of any individual and/or group, least of all to the nation. It is, therefore, in the fitness of things that emotions are cooled down and an attempt for compromise is made so that democracy can survive. Both Nawaz Sharif and Ms Benazir are elected leaders, their legitimacy has basis in the exercise of adult franchise by the masses, would they persist in remaining so myopic as not to perceive what can come to pass if matters deteriorate further? The worst kind of democracy is still better than the best that any martial law can offer, yet the ultimate perception of the masses may be that martial law would be better than having no country at all. While the pressure on the Government to expedite solutions to problems must be maintained, the Government itself must do a self-analysis and get back into the political mainstream by instituting self-accountability. The survival of democracy in Pakistan is tenuous at best, it behooves all of us that this institution of our individual and collective freedom does not wither.
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