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Karachi’s Problems Running Out of Time

The prime (and well-publicised) priority of every elected government since 1988 has been to restore peace and normalcy in the troubled city of Karachi. While none can be accused of lack of rhetoric, both the major political parties have followed a policy of a deliberate and benign neglect in the conceiving and implementation of any plan attempting to achieve the stated aims and objectives. A suspicion arises that the powers-that-be have given up thought of governing Karachi under the present political and economic conditions, that they are waiting for a cataclysmic catarrhasis to cleanse Karachi of its aberrations. The assassination of well-reputed Editor of Takbeer Mohammad Salahuddin, has been followed by well-known social worker, Maulana Sattar Edhi, seeking refuge in London. This brings us back to memories of a possible Pucca-Kila type operation attempted in Hyderabad in 1990, a spark that might ignite a chain reaction type explosion. The problem is that this purgatory way well engulf the whole country, thus the game plan of a studied indifference while showing great concern is not only morally bankrupt but may well backfire to the detriment of (1) all such leaders who tend to support this philosophy in general and (2) to the people of Pakistan in particular.

The Army’s move to roll-back Karachi’s penchant for weapons proliferation evoked a predictable response. Gen Babar, the Interior Minister, is right when he talks about making Karachi a weapons-free city. First of all, let us acknowledge that there is no other alternative to searching for illegal weapons, very few people will hand these in voluntarily. Though inconvenienced, the general public has for the most part accepted the need for the search operations in the larger interests of their own safety and welfare as well as the integrity of the nation. On the other hand no liberal-minded minority has ever accepted any amount of restraint whatever may be the circumstances or the consequences thereof. There is an unholy alliance among all those who have a vested interest in keeping Karachi aflame, albeit for a variety of reasons alien to each other. For example, it is in the interest of criminals to foment anarchy in this crucial port city so that they can, under the garb of ethnic and sectarian violence, indulge in dacoity, car snatching and kidnapping, drug smuggling, etc. It is understandable (though not acceptable) that ethnic and sectarian leaders want to keep the pot boiling because that is the one sure way of keeping their followers within the flock, it is the perception of a lack of serious intent of the Federal and Provincial Government that is of major concern. Allowing a policy of controlled anarchy where the Government is morally duty bound to perform its prime role of protecting the lives and property of common citizen leads to the feeling of social, political and economic bankruptcy as long as it helps the incumbents to stay in power, it does not matter whether it be the PML (N) or PPP.

Paradoxically the major law and order problem in Karachi today was initiated right at the outset of Operation Clean Up in May 1992. Resolved to stem the flood-tide of RAW-inspired terrorism, to break the back of MQM militancy as well as heterogeneous criminal elements engaged in dacoity, car snatching, kidnapping, etc, the Army opted to go after the MQM in the urban areas as much after everyone else in the rural areas. As a purpose-conceived utility solution, which would (1) take them deep into MQM strongholds as well as (2) minimize casualties and (3) provide an alternate leadership to Altaf Hussain, the ISI sponsored a group of MQM dissidents who subsequently came to be known as MQM (Haqeeqi) or MQM (H). Since the then ISI head, Lt Gen Javed Nasir, and IB Head, Brig Imtiaz, were working in tandem as much as the inherent jealousies between ISI and the IB would allow them, this “Trojan Horse” ploy worked very well in the beginning, with the Army able to secure all targets without bloodshed. It soon become clear that having succeeded in objectives (1) and (2), the public backlash reinforced Altaf Hussain’s credibility as a leader and thus failed in objective (3), its principal aim which was the replacement of Altaf Hussain as the MQM leader. In not dropping the Haqeeqis as “hot potatoes” the then Army hierarchy erred, in further reinforcing failure they violated a fundamental principle of war which was further compounded when the entire MQM hierarchy went underground and created a dangerous leadership vacuum. In a Catch-22 situation the MQM (H) was fostered as a credible alternative. This policy failure was shown up to devastating effect less than a year later when the MQM (H) won a total of about 20,000 votes in by-elections to city constituencies in areas where the MQM (Altaf) normally poll a million plus votes and then some.

With Gen Asif Nawaz’s demise and the onset of the Waheed Era in the Army, instinct and body language was replaced in decision-making by ground realities. The military hierarchy reluctantly came to the conclusion that no credible alternative to Altaf Hussain was likely to emerge presently or in the near future and that the mission given to the Army in Sindh had gone dangerously off-track in urban areas. In its own deliberate manner, the Army set out to correct the imbalances and negative dynamics created by its ill-conceived ill-thought out urban plan. To initiate a process of roll-back, it set out to put its own house in order.

In the meantime, while the MQM (A) very correctly (and intelligently) decided not to contest the Army’s firepower, those among their hierarchy with criminal acts knew that there was no fall-back position. Entire cadres went abroad to India and directly under the tutelage of India’s RAW, in essence potential recruits were driven directly into the enemy camp. With this, the situation became much more complicated as the one weapon that Pakistan could always use against India in any undeclared war became instead a potential pistol pointed at Pakistan’s own head. For decades, the Muslim community in India had been fertile ground to counter India’s design against us, an invaluable ideological support providing power and logistics in the enemy’s heartland. To that end, even this temporary Mohajir estrangement from their natural Pakistan Armed Forces ally over the years, became an unmitigated disaster from which RAW has already obtained untold benefits.

RAW has been active in Pakistan for over two decades. Having come of age with its great success in “fifth column” activity leading to the creation of Bangladesh, RAW shifted its focus to Sindh, particularly after the 1972 language riots brought insecurity home to the ethnic Sindhis in the realization that in their own land wherein they had once welcomed all comers with open arms, they were in danger of becoming an endangered species. However, this resentment could not be exploited in the face of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s PM-ship as he was a native of Sindh. RAW capitalized on his overthrow and subsequent execution, initiating a decade of terrorism within Sindh, reinforced since 1980 by additional mayhem created by KHAD, the KGB-trained Afghan intelligence service. Basically RAW’s surrogates were found to be activists in the “Jiay Sindh” and other extremist parties. With Al-Zulfikar available to do its (new) master’s bidding, Sindh in general and Karachi in particular became a free-fire zone. This situation was further complicated by refugees from Iran and Afghanistan, displaced Muslim community from Burma and illegal immigration from Bangladesh to Karachi topping the million plus mark. Karachi became a main conduit for the export of heroin and weapons proliferated till we became familiar with what became known as the “Kalashnikov culture”. The profusion of money corrupted the civilian forces of law and order till disorder became all-pervasive and anarchy ruled supreme. Well targeted in the rural areas, Operation Clean-Up did give a temporary respite in the urban areas despite its contradictions in objectivity. The tragedy of the Field Intelligence Teams (FIT) is that they performed exceedingly well against criminals but failed on moral grounds in their political mission, a mandate that should not have been given to them except where it crossed over into the grounds of national security. In a remarkable Machiavellian sleight of hand, the then President, GIK, and the Army Chief, late Asif Nawaz, convinced the then political government of Mian Nawaz Sharif of the necessity of going after criminal elements in Karachi whereas their real target was the MQM, on the other hand MQM believed that GIK was their “white knight” saviour from their erstwhile former ally, Mian Nawaz Sharif. The last briefing for the PM was even attended by the senior MQM hierarchy before the Army proceeded to go after the MQM lock, stock and barrel. One agrees that the militancy of the MQM had to be suppressed, was it necessary to go only after them in Karachi in the presence of other criminal elements, some of them even serving at that time in the Provincial Cabinet of Muzaffar Shah?

By May 1994, Gen Waheed was ready to undo what the Army hierarchy in Sindh had wrought with devastating damage to national integrity. The new Commanders settled down to first cleansing their own house before initiating the first stage of Karachi’s reform, ridding the city of illegal weapons. While the ensuing Operation had been reasonably successful and there is a profound perception among the masses about the Army’s neutrality and even-handedness, the killing fields of Karachi seem to have no end. Part of it is vested interest by motivated individuals/parties in keeping Karachi aflame but a major part of it exists because the Federal and Provincial Government’s support to the Army has not been as sincere as one would hope from those whose prime business is to protect the life, property and honour of their citizens. Even the business community has asked for powers to the Army under Article 245 of the Constitution. While politics takes a front seat in supersession to principles, to reverse the tide of history, the Army would have to, in theory at least, disarm and neutralize the MQM (H). The prime (ostensible) reason why the MQM (A) is remaining aloof from the national mainstream, even talking about a Fifth Province, is its insecurity in the face of an armed MQM (H). However, it is quite clear that both the present Federal and Provincial Governments feel that the elimination of MQM (H) would make the MQM mainstream MQM (A) all-powerful with a return to the days of old when militants had usurped democratic authority bestowed on their hierarchy by the will of the people. While one sympathizes with the fact that the MQM (H) may have had good reason for their dissidence from Altaf Hussain and his inner circle, their continued existence arouses broad Mohajir reaction and thus this mindless blood quarrel with innocents caught in the crossfire. Brutal logic dictates that if the peace process has to be consolidated, it must start with the neutralizing of MQM (H) as a factor. The other option was for the Army to withdraw from its role as an unwilling buffer and let the two sides sort out their quarrels, maybe they can come to some sort of a detente in the absence of the Army’s protective cover.

Subsequently the Army withdraw by nightfall Nov 30. Now the MQM should have no reason for persisting with its “self-protection” measures and if they do, then the Army has a clear cut objective to perform if it comes back again, albeit with greater powers. Given the success of Army’s encirclement operations with one-tenth of the troops previously under command, the first target of the Un-Godly will be to remove the “irritants” by use of rumour and innuendo.

The MQM (H) is an ISI/IB creation and howsoever much one can decry its inception and subsequent role, the fact remains that it’s hard core activists, numbering about 1500-2000 who threw in their lot with the government forces are now in a state of limbo. They have families and supporters towards whom the government has a responsibility for their safety and welfare. As such approximately 20,000 people have to be re-located in safe havens as otherwise they will certainly face extermination at the hands of vengeful MQM (A) activists. This is a human tragedy that has to be addressed. The Shams and Badr examples of East Pakistan when natural allies were used to left to rot should never be repeated by men of honour.

The second step is to have Local Bodies elections so that grassroots democracy has a vested interest in the maintenance of law and order. If in many areas MQM men win, so be it! After all, who are we to become an obstacle to the peoples’ will? On its side, the MQM must learn from history and ensure that these who were criminal-minded or have stepped outside the national mainstream to have truck with India in any form must never be allowed into any position of authority at any tier of Local Government or for that matter in their party structure. Given authority at the local level, it would take madness (along with suicidal intent) for the MQM to repeat the mistakes of the past that brought great misery and privation onto the mass of urban people whose interests they represent. The third step is to do something about illegal immigrants. In short order, what harm does an illegal immigrant do to the country, socially, politically and economically? First of all he (or she) takes away an employment slot from the nationals of the country he immigrates to. Second the immigrant uses the local socio-economic facilities i.e. food, housing, electricity, water, gas, education, health transportation, etc all in short supply already without contributing a penny to its upkeep or establishment of new facilities. Thirdly, the illegal immigrant sends money out of the economic mainstream to his own country which contributes to strain on the foreign exchange reserves. Fourthly, by accepting low wages he forces a wage guideline for local labour who further loses employment opportunity against such cut-rate competition. Lastly, by contributing to unemployment, the illegal immigrant contributes to disorder and anarchy as the unemployed resort to unlawful methods to earn their livelihood. Even in such a liberal US State as California, Proposition 187 has been voted upon successfully on Nov 7 to discourage immigration from Mexico and other Latin American countries. At the very least (and perhaps as a post-script for those living outside the pale of the law), illegal immigrants take to crime much more easily than local residents, a formula readymade for cities like Karachi. In short order, there are 1.5 million job opportunities available in Karachi occupied presently by foreign labour. As a passing statistic, 1.2 million Bangladeshis in Karachi send approximately Rs.750 per month home i.e. about US$ 350 million annually, eat US$ 200 million worth of food and use socio-economic facilities upto US$ 450 million i.e. about US$ 1 billion annually. While the money part is horrifying by itself, the social evils, because of lack of employment opportunities is more deadly to the fabric of Pakistan. On the other hand, industry is thriving because of their low wages, lack of union activity, non-contribution to ESSI, EOBI, Insurance, Education, Cess, etc. More than 150,000 affluent residences in Karachi employ Bangladeshi cooks, waiters, maids, etc on the other hand, forced repatriation would not only be a human tragedy, it would be humanly impossible to achieve in less than a decade and mean tremendous dislocation for industrialists, businessmen, home-owners, etc who use illegal immigrants as labour in some form or other. Against this background, the repatriation of approximately 200,000 Stranded-Pakistanis in Bangladesh is a genuine demand, it is a commitment of honour that the Government of Pakistan must stand by. To equalize the position in Karachi in a pragmatic fashion, a formula has to be worked out to obtain taxes and benefits from those immigrants who are “legalized” by necessity. These “taxes” should be deducted from their pay at source and paid into the city treasury, the payment receipt signifying the legality to live and work in Pakistan.

The Ms Benazir Government has unveiled a comprehensive socio-economic package but it does not address the real issues in a comprehensive manner nor does it involve the grassroots democratic leadership in the planning or implementation on the ground. There is no substitute for democracy, a democracy that is based on the strength of a free vote. This is of concern to the intelligentsia because Ms Benazir and her PPP did wage a long, relentless (and ultimately successful) struggle for democracy. Who can better understand the necessity of grassroots rule better than Ms Benazir? If the present and successive political governments at the Federal and Provincial level believe that a naked farce like the appointed KMC Councillors will work among a politically sensitized people so acutely aware of their fundamental rights that their ancestors voted with their feet to come through a welter of blood and misery to the land of their dreams, then they are sadly mistaken. The largest interests of the country requires that democracy be nurtured and sustained, can it be denied then to the people of its most important and largest urban centre? There are many more things that can be done but we must not flinch at the first step in restoration of peace and tranquillity to this fair land, ringing the curtain down on the tragedy that the MQM (H) has become. Some fair solution must be found soon. A most dangerous development that has taken place is the targeting of policemen in Karachi. While firing on mobiles and guards on static duty was previously infrequent, over the past few weeks a concerted campaign focussing on policemen, even off duty and in their homes has started. The suspicion has fallen rightly or wrongly on MQM (A). This is on the pattern of left-wing Sinhalese VHP targeting law enforcement personnel and their families in Sri Lanka, what followed was a bloody vendetta retaliation launched by “vigilante” law enforcement agencies against the families of suspected VHP militants that resulted in thousands and thousands of innocent deaths. It is no secret that VHP were being supported and financed by RAW, the pattern in Karachi has obvious similarities and we cannot ignore the possible repercussions. If the forces of law and order start to operate outside the parameters of the law to go after those who are targeting them and their families as a revenge, it will unleash other demons into Karachi’s boiling pot and a bloody free-for-all orgy may well ensue. As it is, sectarian violence has again raised its ugly head. We may have reached a situation where for a period of time we must give the Army a clear mandate under Article 245 of the Constitution to reverse one of the great aberrations to Karachi’s painful history or watch this city slide deeper into a socio-economic abyss leading to absolute anarchy.

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