The Sindh factor-II
Most causes of ethnic conflict are economic, the root cause of tensions are because of perceived or real disparity between living standards. TV having brought the availability of life’s comforts in the first world to the general viewing of the masses, expectation levels have gone up proportionately. While the masses are able to understand that there must exist a gap in the standards between the developing and the developed world, they are giving short shrift to either real or perceived inequality of any kind within the country. As the urban population has grown by leaps and bounds, in Karachi mostly by emigrants from India, Afghanistan, Bangladesh and Iran and the people of interior Sindh, Punjab, Sarhad and Balochistan searching for a livelihood, this has been compounded by burgeoning birth rates in the major urban areas. The Mohajirs do not want further Mohajireen except from their own roots, this is best exemplified by the Mohajir agitation to repatriate the stranded Pakistanis in Bangladesh to Pakistan (and in effect Karachi), while in the same breath they are agitating that Pathan, Punjabi, Baloch and even people from interior of Sindh should not be permitted into Karachi.
The Mohajir in Karachi is well educated because of the concentration of educational facilities here. On a relative basis, the number of educational institutions in Karachi and Hyderabad are much more than any other comparable geographical entity in Pakistan, Lahore and the modern city of Islamabad included. In absolute comparisons, Faisalabad is half the size of Karachi in population, yet it is squeezed into a land area one-fourth the size of Karachi, the density of population is thus twice as much. Karachi has ten to twelve times the numbers of schools and colleges than in Faisalabad, potable water is available three times less per capita, medical facilities are about a sixth of Karachi’s. Similarly all the cities of Sarhad, Balochistan, Punjab and interior Sindh are thus affected in varying degrees of neglect. The Mohajir is simply a victim of the enhanced facilities of education executed in Karachi soon after independence in 1947 (and till Karachi remaining the seat of Federal power upto 1960), in a Catch-22 situation more facilities have meant more graduates whereas jobs have not increased on a proportionate basis. At the same time, a large number of Mohajir graduates tend to complete their education in India before migrating to Pakistan (almost all to Karachi without exception), thereby causing greater pressure on the acute shortage of job availability. This does not for a moment suggest that jobs should not be provided, it is just that it is really nobody who is discriminating against the Mohajirs as a part of a conspiracy as is being claimed by the Mohajirs, this is the result simply of bad planning complicated by the circumstances availing at this time.
This situation has been further exacerbated by the inefficiency and/or inability of the Provincial government and the various functionaries over the past few decades to correct the ratios of disparity on a just and fair basis. One of the valued spoils of electoral triumph is the ability to dish out jobs and plan postings within the vast Federal and Provincial bureaucracy. While each job has its own intrinsic economic value, the force-multiplier is the corruption potential depending upon the nature of employment. People vie for jobs in Customs, Income Tax, Police, Excise & Taxation, etc. The order of priority being where they can earn the most money. People may say in jest that Customs personnel are the best marriage prospects, unfortunately it is no joke, for the parents of the bride it is a deathly serious issue concerned with the economic future of their daughter (and her children). Normally all Federal/Provincial posts are advertised and subject to open competition with a quota to balance the disparities. Unfortunately the requirements of the third world Client-Patron relationship require that the given standards are short-circuited at political will down the line so as to satisfy the most loyal among the electorate who have voted the politicians into power. That is not to say that the Client-Patron relationship was suspended during the Martial Law Regime, on the contrary the power of making appointments was misused with impunity at all levels, standards were overturned to accommodate favourites, in a vacuum such as this, accountability goes out of the window. Naturally such appointments without merit cause tremendous frustration and distress to those who deserve these posts on sheer merit. Over a time this frustration has increased proportionately to the dwindling availability of jobs, coupled with the dearth of basic socio-economic facilities such as water, gas, electricity, etc the resultant anger has overcome reason and come out in the streets, gradual anarchy has been the result.
While we never fail to eulogise democracy, we practice an inverted logic in its implementation. The voters have elected local councillors in local bodies elections who in turn have their own city government headed by a Mayor. In the major cities of Pakistan, the Mayor has virtually no administrative powers whatsoever, the poor man cannot even appoint or post a peon, this is a ludicrous position where all the powers are in the hands of non-elected bureaucrats owing their loyalty to the Provincial and/or Federal Governments. This is a situation tailor-made for fracas and that has quite obviously contributed to the problems in Karachi and Hyderabad. The democratic requirements of a functioning city government demands that all the powers (and the responsibility) for utilities and facilities for the citizens of the city be vested in the Mayor. If his services are not appreciated by the masses they will vote him out of power in the next election, in the US a signature campaign is possible to ask for another election anytime the electorate is dissatisfied. The powers of the Mayor includes jurisdiction over metropolitan police and city taxation officials. Naturally this is anathema to whoever is ruling the Province and the country, whether it be PPP, IJI or Martial Law. Besides diluting their power, the dishing out of political capital by handing out cushy jobs is lost to them, naturally this is unacceptable to those who have money to make out of the present status quo.
The result is that the city of Karachi is a hotch-potch of overlapping administrative responsibilities. For a city of 9 million people, this tantamounts to unmitigated disaster of the highest magnitude, it is just running through the sheer momentum of its own enormity. It would be better not to have Local Bodies elections or elected councillors, it becomes a farce perpetuated in the name of democracy. The violation of democratic principles at the very foundations of administrative tier creates grounds for malfeasance up the line. Nepotism and corruption are endemic in bureaucracy, all the problems stem from appointments and promotions based not on merit but on corrupt practices which provide the fuel for corrupting authority. If on the other hand the Government genuinely feels that the Mayor will misuse his powers for his own nefarious ends, then it is necessary to provide such checks and balances in a manner that does not invite adventurism but brings accountability to the whole process.
As opposed to this is the dacoit problem in rural Sindh. While this problem has been endemic in Sindh for centuries, recently it has captured headlines by the spate of kidnappings in Karachi and Hyderabad, two urban areas normally free of this type of dacoits. Dacoits are historically linked to the Landlords. While in other Provinces, these ties have been loosened, in Sindh today a love-hate relationship exists. Dacoits have been used as enforcers/tax collectors by the landlords for centuries, this is not confined only to Sindh. There always has been a cooperative two-way communication between them. The poor Sindhi peasant, particularly the Haris, were kept in line by liberal use of their ruthlessness wherever required. On the other hand, the dacoit depended upon the Landlord for police protection and logistics. Not only has this been a happy arrangement till very recently, it continues to stand the test of time in rural areas. One of the important statistics to mull over is that not a single Sindhi of any note has been kidnapped and held for ransom. Stray cases exist which only have political overtones e.g the kidnapping of Rafi Kachelo’s son. On the other hand the modern dacoits have gone out of the total control once exercised by Landlords, a replacement of a once more happier relationship by an armed truce. Previously any time a dacoit stepped out of line the police would be informed about the recalcitrant dacoit and an “armed encounter” would result in the elimination of the dissenter. As the dacoit has grown in strength, he has flexed his own muscles and discovered political power by a more direct relationship with the law enforcing agencies, reducing his dependence on the Landlord, as a tiger tastes blood and becomes a man-eater the dacoit has realised his own potential. The Landlord on the other hand is riding a man-eater and does not know how to get off. This is true not only in Sindh but also in some parts of Punjab, Sarhad and Balochistan, wherever feudalism is still active and well. As part of taking the heat off in the rural areas, the dacoit usually turns to safer, more lucrative targets in the city thus complicating the urban law and order situation further. In the same manner that hush money was paid to the rural police, the Metropolitan Police has been compromised through the use of the same contacts. With influential contacts deep in the law and order machinery, every impending move is known to the dacoits, how can one expect the Law Enforcing Agencies to be effective? When criminals manage to compromise the guardians of justice, what justice can you expect? Despite the best efforts of high ranking police officials to take some action they are powerless due to many extraneous factors, most of them arising out of influential interference. People tend to blame the police for everything under the sun without realising that the majority of the police rank and file are honest, hardworking individuals badly hampered by having their freedom of movement shackled due to considerations beyond their control. With political factions and urban lawless elements getting into the kidnapping act, a new “business” is flourishing and well in Karachi. A spate of incidents were reported over the past few months. The need arises in such a situation to sanitize the law enforcing agency from interference, if nothing else to create at least one agency that is free of such influence. At the same time, the inability of the police to take action must be remedied by immediate changes, some have even proposed a form of local martial law in Karachi and Hyderabad. One feels that any hiccup in the process of democratisation would be counter-productive and the local martial law option, albeit under the aegis of a democratic government, should be kept on the shelf for the time being.
The rule of law can only flourish under the umbrella of a functioning democracy. Whatever may be the aberrations that the centrifugal forces of a democratic process throws up from time to time, we have not only to learn to live with them but to overcome them by democratic means. The masses have become extremely politically conscious and while they can be bullied for some time, oppressive measures, nepotism and corruption are not what they will keep on bearing for any length of time. The electoral process in Pakistan, indeed throughout the world, has seen the masses make natural corrections from time to time. One of the major aims of anarchical forces is to subvert democracy, they flourish in an authoritarian atmosphere because of the general resentment among the masses against dictatorial rules. The need, therefore, arises to ensure that whatever happens we are not forced to tamper with the democratic process, it would be a great setback for all our evolving national institutions particularly those concerned with freedom of speech, freedom of press, etc. While the democracies will be under tremendous strain with all the temptations to go the “easy” route, the stakes for perseverance with political solutions are enormous and we must live with it. The PPP won the Provincial elections in Sindh by a sweeping majority, unfortunately the complete losses that it sustained were in the major urban areas of Karachi and Hyderabad. While the initial agreement between PPP and MQM in the first euphoria of victory was too soon an accord, the later discord was worse as it has tended to polarise the urban and rural populations. Whatever reservations the MQM may feel, the PPP is the dominant political force in the Province, light years moderate compared to the other extremist elements, there must be a genuine move towards rapprochement, may not end up in an alliance but the will must manifest to continue a healthy dialogue, even cooperation. While MQM may be omnipotent in its strongholds, statesmanship requires that they look beyond their immediate horizon and not forget that Mohajir Sindhis settled for generations in smaller townships throughout Sindh. On the other hand, the PPP rules at the Federal level and must keep the peace in their Provincial stronghold.
The greatest problem that faces Sindh today are the extremist elements that are exacerbating the issues duly orchestrated by our friendly neighbour, India. Indian RAW (Research and Analytical Wing) must be one of the most destructive, homicidal institutions ever perpetrated by man on other human beings. Having turned the Sri Lankan paradise into a hell on earth they are now giving their undivided attention to Sindh. Their interference in our internal affairs cannot be tolerated. While our options to take them on at their source may be limited, we must exorcise their minions in Sindh with the utmost dispatch. One is sure our intelligence agencies are not sitting around clueless, therefore, we must take decisive and forceful action on these elements immediately. Any hesitation in interdicting Indian RAW machinations in Sindh forcefully will have the most disastrous consequences, the curtain raiser that we are seeing at the present time will pale in comparison. This includes those of our political brethren who are preaching secession by any other name, having been frustrated by the elections of new, emergent leadership they have opted for extremism just to stay in the limelight.
The true test of maturity in political leadership is in taking strong action without fear or favour, with absolute impartiality and sincere purpose. The acid test of leadership is not only to being considered just and fair but being actually fair and just. The Sindh situation needs leadership par excellence and the PPP must provide that leadership, not only because it is the majority party in the Province but also because it is the incumbent government at the Federal level. The PM must act to prevent further erosion of her electoral power base.
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